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2015年8月26日 星期三
upn-taipei news-magazin-08-27-07-臺北好時尚X ELLE New Talent」2015時裝設計新銳大賞 ELLE X臺北市政府首度聯手 打造台灣新銳時尚舞台 柯P到場支持 頒發冠軍得主周裕穎 10位新銳 從21歲至61歲 跨世代設計創意競賽 賴雅妍、謝欣穎、Akemi、林辰唏 以台灣設計服裝出席
臺北好時尚X ELLE New Talent」2015時裝設計新銳大賞
ELLE X臺北市政府首度聯手 打造台灣新銳時尚舞台
柯P到場支持 頒發冠軍得主周裕穎
10位新銳 從21歲至61歲 跨世代設計創意競賽
賴雅妍、謝欣穎、Akemi、林辰唏 以台灣設計服裝出席
ELLE NEW TALENT 為台灣新銳設計師打造與國際時尚接軌平台
ELLE自2010年開始，連續6年來，持續透過雜誌報導、網路推廣，展覽或銷售等各種形式，努力將台灣新銳時尚推向國際舞台，今年為了讓台灣時尚新銳能有更高的能見度，ELLE首度促成政府與民間的時尚合作開端，與臺北市政府商業處-臺北好時尚共同合作以「臺北好時尚X ELLE New Talent」2015時裝設計新銳大賞為號召，共同挖掘時尚新星，雙方皆以推廣臺灣新銳時尚為目標，整合資源，打造創意展演平台，並於2015/8/25(二)假 台北W飯店8F風尚廳，舉辦【2015時裝設計新銳大賞暨頒獎典禮】，邀請凱渥名模以時尚伸展台展演10位新銳設計師跨世代設計創意作品。ELLE雜誌發揮時尚影響力，邀請ELLE雜誌-韓國、日本、中國、香港之總編輯，擔任「國際評審團」，更邀請知名造型師陳孫華與新光三越時尚總監郭思婷、國內設計師竇騰璜、台灣ELLE雜誌總編輯盧淑芬組成「台灣評審團」，集結國際與國內專業評審團共同的專業眼光，一同決選出最具潛力冠軍設計師。
賴雅妍/謝欣穎等藝人 穿出自我New Attitude新態度
【2015時裝設計新銳大賞】本屆的競賽主題「New Attitude新態度」，眾藝人出席也呼應主題，展現自我時尚新態度，活動特別邀請影歌雙棲-【賴雅妍】，去年演出電影「等一個人咖啡」以帥氣的角色吸引了女粉絲注目。在帥氣與性感間總是拿捏得恰到好處，此次出席，特別挑選彰顯她獨特魅力的中性時尚褲裝及如同婚紗般裙襬上衣，一出場便抓住眾人目光。實力派影星【謝欣穎】在國際影展上表現亮眼，屢屢獲獎，原是模特兒的她，本身就具有強烈的時尚氣質，這次選擇穿上本屆冠軍新銳設計師周裕穎個人品牌「Just in Case」最新作品，展現甜美個性的一面，謝欣穎表示自己非常喜歡具個性風格的服裝。而率性新生代演員【林辰唏】、名模【Akemi】，就愛台灣味主持人【傑克與安妮】及性格演員【簡宏霖】也都不約而同的選擇台灣設計師服裝，展現屬於他們自己的新態度。今天出席的藝人朋友們都異口同聲表示台灣時尚，如此精彩，一定會耀眼於國際上的!未來也會與ELLE一同持續支持台灣新銳設計!
此外，時尚CEO溫筱鴻、鐵打的貴婦陳璧君、華裔設計師Daniel Wong、時尚節目主持人Louisa，時尚部落客Leslie、Dorothy等也都現身到場為新銳設計師喝采!
10位新銳 10種新態度 跨世代創意火花
此次評選出年度十位新銳設計師，包含以簡潔俐落都會風格設計的雙人組合【李柏毅/黃紀堯】、擅長設計具有商業價值與創意獨特性共存的【周裕穎】、強調極簡中性概念的【吳俊霆】、運用服裝傳達文化特色的【王舜民】、以心出發而設計的【李毓晉】、由生活經驗感官內化後再淬鍊出無限可能的【邱娉勻】、致力將品牌塑造成眾人膜拜的聖教的【王劭宇】、探討服裝對於人們生活的核心價值的【許博暘】、將40年服裝打版經驗昇華展現的【黃鑾】、透過幾何切割的版型運用，探索各種角度的可能性的【阮兆民】，他們各自以獨特的語彙詮釋了此次競賽主題-「新態度」，同時也呈現台灣時尚創意設計的多元豐富性。 10位設計師中，最年輕與最年長的參賽者相距40歲，但卻都是對時尚充滿熱情並勇於挑戰自我的時尚新血，現年61歲為新銳設計師中最長的黃鑾，她除了希望將過去40年打版經驗與累積的能量轉化為設計創作，一圓設計師夢想外，更期盼能鼓勵後輩精進並追求夢想，也讓此次活動增添了濃厚的傳承意味。
柯P
多元產業共同扶植設計新銳 打造台灣設計圈完整鏈結平台
今日活動其中一大亮點，就是台北市長柯文哲蒞臨現場，為現場新銳加油!並與ELLE總經理王士平一同頒發冠軍獎座，今年冠軍為擅長融合創意與商業價值的周裕穎，現場歡聲雷動!另外， ELLE也提供冠軍得主圓夢獎金做為事業基金，台北W飯店更提供「台北W飯店2015時尚新銳獎」，得獎者為十位新銳中的王劭宇，獲得於飯店精品店展售及社群媒體宣傳機會，而為讓紡織產業與時尚結合，特別增設機能與印花指定合作獎項，也開拓了新銳設計師們更寬廣的創意發展之路。為串連新銳設計與市場接軌，即日起至ELLE Shopping，您就可以選購設計師們的最新作品，另外，「臺北好時尚x ELLE New Talent」的時尚嘉年華將會自10月1日至10月28日在新光三越A11一樓進行Pop-Up Store聯合展銷，超過20位台灣新生代設計師最新秋冬商品輪番上陣，滿足您對於時尚的渴望，雖然產業別各有所異，但大家皆有志一同力挺台灣設計，更展望未來台灣時尚的無窮潛力!
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ELLE行銷部 媒體聯絡人
Best regards,
Edmund HUANG 黃柏誠
Marketing & PR Manager
upn-taipei news-financial-08-27-06-、公開發行公司等動態 一、預計8月27日生效。
| 、公開發行公司等動態 一、預計8月27日生效。 二、停止公開發行案件：無。 三、上緯企業股份有限公司(上市公司，證券代號4733)前經金融監督管理委員會同意申報生效發行現金增資發行普通股3,500,000股，每股面額10元，總額新臺幣35,000,000元，及同意延長前揭募資案原股東、員工繳款期間及變更洽特定人認購期間等案，業經該會廢止在案。 四、凌嘉科技股份有限公司（興櫃公司，證券代號3644）申請廢止前經金融監督管理委員會104年6月22日金管證發字第1040023255號函同意申報生效之現金增資發行普通股10,000,000股，每股面額10元，總額新臺幣100,000,000元乙案，業經該會廢止在案。 貳、更正勘誤本會104年8月20日金管證期字第10400253581號令 參、預告修正「有價證券集中保管帳簿劃撥作業辦法」部分條文草案 肆、滙豐中華證券投資信託股份有限公司申報募集開放式「滙豐中國科技精選證券投資信託基金」申報生效案 滙豐中華證券投資信託股份有限公司申報募集開放式股票型投資國內外之「滙豐中國科技精選證券投資信託基金」，由第一商業銀行股份有限公司擔任基金保管機構，並以新臺幣、美元及人民幣計價發行乙案，自104年8月26日申報生效。本基金應於申報生效日起6個月內開始募集，自募集日起30天內至少募足最低淨發行總面額等值新臺幣6億元。 原則上，本基金自成立日起屆滿六個月後，投資於國內外股票、承銷股票、興櫃股票及存託憑證總額，不得低於本基金淨資產價值之百分之七十(含)；投資於中國科技相關之有價證券總額，不得低於本基金淨資產價值之百分之六十(含)；本基金主要投資於從事電子科技、傳媒、電信通訊產業(包括通訊、資訊、消費電子、半導體、精密器械與自動化、航太、高級材料、特用化學與製藥、醫療保健、污染防治、資源開發、高級感測或其他科技相關或受惠於科技創新之產業)。 「滙豐中國科技精選證券投資信託基金」募集等值新臺幣200億元額度涉及資金之匯出入，滙豐中華證券投資信託股份有限公司應於募集前取具中央銀行同意函，始得募集該基金。 |
upnn-taipei news-economic-08-27-05-準檢驗局公布市售「筆記型電腦」檢測結果 內容 另開視窗，連結到標準檢驗局公布市售「筆記型電腦」檢測結果(jpg檔)
| 標準檢驗局公布市售「筆記型電腦」檢測結果 | |||
| 內容 |
標準檢驗局表示，「筆記型電腦」係屬經濟部公告之應施檢驗商品，檢驗方式為驗證登錄或型式認可逐批檢驗，於進入市場前須完成檢驗程序，符合檢驗規定後，於商品貼附商品檢驗標識，始得運出廠場或輸入於國內市場陳列或銷售。本次購樣檢驗係依據國家標準CNS 13438「資訊技術設備－射頻擾動特性－限制值與量測方法」，檢測項目包括「傳導干擾試驗」及「輻射干擾試驗」，另依據前述標準及商品檢驗法查核「中文標示」及「商品檢驗標識」。本次購樣商品之檢測結果如下： 一、品質項目： （一）「傳導干擾試驗」部分：共計10件皆符合。 （二）「輻射干擾試驗」部分：共計10件皆符合。 二、標示查核：共計10件皆符合。 標準檢驗局指出，該局每年度均訂有市場檢查計畫，針對具危害高風險之應施檢驗商品執行市場購樣檢驗，倘該等商品發現不合格者，即派員追蹤調查不合格原因，並作成訪談紀錄後依相關法規處理，以雙重把關機制維護消費者權益。 標準檢驗局呼籲廠商應落實商品安全性及標示正確性，並提醒消費者選購及使用「筆記型電腦」商品時應注意下列事項： （1）勿隨意購買來路不明商品。 （2）選購時應注意是否貼有「商品檢驗標識」（標識圖例如附）的商品及檢視廠商名稱、地址及型號等各項標示是否清楚。 （3）檢視是否附有中文使用說明書、包裝上之產品使用說明或所附產品使用方法、注意事項等標示，使用前詳細閱讀該說明，並確實依照說明內容使用，尤應注意產品使用說明所列之警語及使用注意事項等。 （4）若有故障現象發生，應送至廠商指定之維修站維修，切勿自行更換零件或拆解修理。 （5）優先選購有提供保固服務及投保產物責任險之產品。 消費者如欲進一步瞭解「筆記型電腦」商品相關資訊，可於標準檢驗局網站「商品安全資訊網」 (http://safety.bsmi.gov.tw/wSite/mp?mp=65)項下查閱或撥打免付費電話0800-007123洽詢。 經濟部標準檢驗局發言人：莊副局長素琴 辦公室電話：02-23412855 行動電話：0934-022921 承辦單位：第三組第三科科長龔子文 辦公室電話：02-33432273 行動電話：0911-261437 |
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upn-taipei news-finance-08-27-04-電子發票e起來-雙熊8月27日在六福村主題遊樂園攜手推廣電子發票 財政部鑑於國內觀光消
電子發票e起來-雙熊8月27日在六福村主題遊樂園攜手推廣電子發票
財政部鑑於國內觀光消費市場廣大，相關行業別為數眾多，今(104)年除食品業者外，也將觀光旅遊業者列為電子發票的重點宣導對象。為擴大宣傳效益並整合政府資源，在交通部觀光局的支持與協助之下，該局知名度紅透大街小巷的超級任務組「喔熊」組長再度出面情義相挺，將於8月27日於六福村主題遊樂園，與電子發票「VAVA熊」進行雙熊旋風造勢，攜手合作推廣電子發票。
財政部財政資訊中心表示，觀光旅遊業者導入電子發票之後，未來民眾不管從事國內旅遊住宿或在國旅卡特約商店購物消費時，除了享受休閒樂趣外，還能向店家索取電子發票，讓智慧旅遊消費更加環保、方便；更重要的是，可以獲得「無實體電子發票特別獎」的專屬中獎機會。
財政部財政資訊中心指出，為了擴大推廣電子發票，「喔熊」組長和「VAVA熊」將於8月27日11時30分至14時30分間，連袂在六福村主題遊樂園現身與民眾互動同樂，同時教大家認識電子發票；現場另發放廉政宣導摺頁，傳達誠信社會、乾淨政府信念。歡迎大朋友和小朋友跟隨兩隻熊麻吉蹤跡，在園區內的「魔術噴泉廣場」、「南太平洋區」、「美國大西部區」等區域一起合照留念。
電子發票相關訊息可上財政部電子發票整合服務平台網站：www.einvoice.nat.gov.tw
財政部財政資訊中心設有24小時免費服務電話：0800-521-988
新聞聯絡人：財政部財政資訊中心電子發票推廣小組
劉醇錕科長ff
upn-taipei news-president-08-27-03-2015年臺北國際連繫工業展」聯合開幕典禮
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中華民國104年08月26日 | ||
| 馬英九總統今（26）日上午赴南港展覽館出席「2015年臺北國際連繫工業展」聯合開幕典禮，除說明政府近年來推動產業升級相關政策，並期盼國人與政府共同努力，提升我國各項產業的競爭力。 總統致詞時表示，他非常高興能再次出席「2015年臺北國際連繫工業展」聯合開幕典禮，此展覽從民國76年開辦以來，已舉辦27年，今年整合了自動化、模具及物流產業，有超過500家廠商共襄盛舉，攤位數也超過1,400個，規模相當盛大。 總統談到，近年來，美國政府開始推動「再工業化政策」，讓原本出走的製造業重返美國，對各國產生劇烈影響。而美國所提出的「先進製造夥伴計畫」（AMP）及德國提出的「工業4.0計畫」等產業革命性政策，對於世界的衝擊更為巨大。因此，我國行政院決定提前啟動「生產力4.0發展方案」，希望透過此方案，讓臺灣在這波「第四次工業革命」浪潮中不至於落後。 總統指出，行政院在民國100年 9月已開始推動「智慧型自動化產業發展推動方案」，並配合「產業結構優化」以及「三業四化」等政策，即製造業服務化、服務業科技化與國際化以及傳統產業特色化，藉此提升製造、流通與品牌行銷的競爭力，強化資通訊科技在服務端的運用，提升產業整體附加價值。 總統說，政府預計未來每年至少將花費新臺幣40億元，9年共計360億元，投入電子資訊、金屬運具、機械設備、食品、紡織、零售、物流、以及農業等領域，希望能鞏固臺灣在全球生產製造供應鏈中不可或缺的地位。 至於人才培育方面，總統說，為培植「生產力4.0」的相關人才，政府將培育高階研究人力並強化技職體系，也將持續推動技職再造計畫及產學合作，使研發與技術能量切合產業轉型升級的需要。政府希望透過「生產力4.0」計畫，讓我國在2024年製造業人均生產總額提升60%，達到1,000萬元；服務業的人均生產總額提升40%，達到230萬元；農業人均生產總額提升70%，達到250萬元的「生產力躍升」目標。 總統強調，「生產力4.0」計畫將是我國工業發展的重大挑戰，目前經濟景氣雖然走弱，業者更應強化自身競爭力，等機會來臨時才能夠展現實力。而政府也將持續推動相關政策，促使國內自動化、模具、物流業者提升產品競爭力，以營造國內產業發展優勢。 包括經濟部工業局局長吳明機、社團法人臺灣全球運籌發展協會理事長游文相、財團法人金屬工業研究發展中心董事長蔡明祺、經濟日報社長黃素娟及總統府副秘書長熊光華等均出席是項活動。 |
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upn-taipei news-president-08-27-02-接見參加第五屆「臺美日三邊安全對話研討會」與會貴賓 公布日期 中華民國104年08月26日
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中華民國104年08月26日 | ||
| 馬英九總統今(26)日下午接見參加第五屆「臺美日三邊安全對話研討會」與會貴賓，除歡迎訪賓來華與會，並說明政府推動兩岸關係、國際關係及區域和平之努力與成果。 總統致詞時表示，與去(2014)年相較，今(2015)年的「臺美日三邊安全對話研討會」除擴大邀請亞太區域國家的政府官員及學者專家與會，也新增許多傳統與非傳統領域的重要議題，例如區域海事安全及《跨太平洋夥伴協定》（TPP）等，對臺美日三方在各項議題的溝通與交流，助益良多。 總統指出，過去7年來，我政府致力推動臺海、東海及南海地區的和平，期盼相關海域均能成為和平與合作之海。以臺灣海峽為例，該地區過去是東亞的潛在衝突熱點，但他上任以來兩岸已簽署23項協議，包括雙方昨(25)日於福州簽署的避免雙重課稅及民航飛航安全兩項協議，使兩岸關係向前邁進一大步；反觀1953年南北韓簽署停戰協定後，朝鮮半島至今仍草木皆兵，近日更相互砲擊，彰顯我政府推動和平的努力深具價值。 總統進一步說明，他就任總統後，即希望中華民國在國際社會扮演「和平締造者」、「人道援助提供者」、「文化交流推動者」、「新科技與商機創造者」及「中華文化領航者」等五種角色；在我政府的努力下，已展現初步成果，包括美國、日本、歐盟及澳洲等國家皆對我國推動和平的作法表示肯定。事實上，目前我與美國、日本及中國大陸的關係，都是過去30至60年來最好的狀態。 總統也提到，近年來我國積極參與區域經濟整合，並於2013年與南太平洋的紐西蘭簽署《臺紐經濟合作協定》(ANZTEC)，「這也是史無前例的」，期盼未來能進一步加入《跨太平洋夥伴協定》及《區域全面經濟夥伴協定》（RCEP）。 訪賓一行包括美國聯邦眾議員羅素(Steve Russell)、日本「國際問題研究所」理事長兼所長野上義二(Yoshiji Nogami)、研究顧問高木誠一郎(Seiichiro Tagaki) 及資深研究員小谷哲男(Tetsuo Kotani)、印度「中國分析及策略中心」主席拉納德(Jayadeva Ranade)、美國「傳統基金會」亞洲研究中心主任羅門(Walter Lohman) 及資深研究員成斌(Dean Cheng)、《臺紐經濟合作協定》(ANZTEC)紐方主談人范千里(Charles Finny)、「澳洲戰略政策研究所」研究部主任戴維斯(Andrew Davies)、美國「國土安全研究暨分析學會」區域主任坎尼斯基(Daniel Kaniewski)、美國「卡圖學會」貿易政策研究中心主任艾肯森(Dan Ikenson)、印尼衛生部部長特別顧問魯基多(Widjaja Lukito)、新加坡國立大學「李光耀公共政策學院」亞洲與全球化中心高級研究員菊地朋生(Tomoo Kikuchi)及 菲律賓De La Salle大學政治系助理教授海理查(Richard Javad Heydarian)，由外交部次長史亞平陪同，前來總統府晉見總統，國家安全會議副秘書長高振群也在座。 |
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upn-taipei news-presiden5t-2015-08-27-01-President Ma's remarks at ROC (Taiwan)-US-Japan Trilateral Security Dialogue Date
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2015/08/25 | ||||||
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| Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. David Y. L. Lin (林永樂); Distinguished guests, Government colleagues, Ladies and gentlemen; Good morning! I’m very pleased to be here today for the opening ceremony of the 2015 ROC-US-Japan Trilateral Security Dialogue, jointly hosted by the Chinese Council of Advanced Policy Studies, the Heritage Foundation of the United States, and the Japan Institute of International Affairs. This marks the fifth year in a row that distinguished parliamentarians, scholars, and senior government officials from various countries have gathered in Taipei to examine traditional and non-traditional security issues of common concern. I am confident that today’s discussions will enhance mutual trust and cooperation between the Republic of China, the United States, Japan, and other countries in the region. Let me first deal with the ROC’s foreign and cross-strait relations in general. I. For the past seven years, my administration has promoted viable diplomacy and peaceful cross-strait development When I first became president back in May of 2008, I set out to create a prosperous and free Taiwan, peace in the Taiwan Strait, and friendly international relations; uphold the principles of dignity, autonomy, pragmatism, and flexibility; and promote a policy of viable diplomacy. And over the past seven years, we have indeed forged a virtuous cycle in both foreign relations and cross-strait relations. This has created a peace dividend with global benefits, and a “win-win-win” situation for the Republic of China, cross-strait relations, and the international community. Prior to 2008, the ROC’s relationship with mainland China had long been marked by tension and confrontation, with both sides competing for diplomatic allies in the international community. International support for Taiwan was declining. Our diplomatic allies dwindled, and our international image was tarnished. Cross-strait relations and foreign relations were both mired in a vicious cycle. But fortunately, those negative circumstances gave birth to a new policy to guide our foreign affairs, that is, viable diplomacy. The viable diplomacy policy is based on the principles of pragmatism, dignity, autonomy, and flexibility, so foreign affairs are conducted with professionalism and integrity. That policy has allowed us to promote cross-strait reconciliation based on the 1992 Consensus, that is, “One China, respective interpretations,” and expand the ROC’s international space. So by adopting a completely new way of thinking about both cross-strait and foreign relations, we also found a whole new modus vivendus. This new way of doing things benefits both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and has been welcomed by the international community, creating a virtuous cycle. The Republic of China’s viable diplomacy policy also brought an end to an era of “scorched-earth diplomacy,” and “checkbook diplomacy.” Instead, we use “above-board diplomacy,” emphasizing that our purpose must be legitimate, the process must be lawful, and the implementation must be effective. So over the past seven years, the ROC’s international image has gone from “troublemaker” to “peacemaker,” and in the international community, the ROC has become an asset, rather than a liability. Now, let me talk about the ROC’s relations with the U.S. and Japan. II. Over the past seven years, ROC-US and ROC-Japan relations show vast improvement During my term of office—actually, two terms—I have done my best to strengthen our partnerships with the US and Japan. The Republic of China, the United States, and Japan have long shared a commitment to the universal values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Over the past seven years, our viable diplomacy policy has fostered better relations with both the US and Japan, so we are closer than ever before, and mutual trust has never been stronger. Before I took office, the Republic of China government sometimes acted rashly in foreign affairs, which had a negative impact on ROC-US relations. To re-establish that relationship, our first task was to restore trust at the highest levels of government. Our approach was simple: a sincere, low-key, principled, and surprise-free attitude. So after seven years of close communication, mutual trust at the highest levels is better than it has ever been in more than three decades, and we continue to develop even closer cooperation in many areas. On the economics and trade front, last year the United States was our second-largest trade partner, and the ROC moved ahead of Saudi Arabia and India to become one of America’s 10 biggest trade partners. Looking ahead, we hope to use our Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) of 1994 with the United States to promote even closer economic cooperation. We also hope that the US will continue to support Taiwan’s participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). We are also collaborating more on security issues with the United States than we ever have in the last 36 years since the Taiwan Relations Act was passed. US arms sales to Taiwan also exceeded 18.3 billion US dollars over the past seven years, more than in any comparable period since 1979 in terms of both total amount and frequency. At a Senate hearing, the U.S. Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter reaffirmed that the US will continue to fulfill its obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act, providing a security guarantee by maintaining the ROC’s self-defense capabilities. In April of this year, the US Secretary of State John Kerry stated that Taiwan is an important security and economic partner of the United States, and plays a key role in America’s rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific region, reaffirming Taiwan’s geographical and strategic importance. Last month, U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Susan Thornton, also emphasized that Taiwan is not only a vital US partner, but a vital regional partner. These statements all confirm that the US is very positive about the current state of ROC-US relations. Now, let us turn to Japan. Since 2008, we have also seen significant progress in ROC-Japan relations. Designated as a “special partnership,” the ROC and Japan have signed 25 agreements over the last seven years, including a youth working holiday agreement, a Taiwan-Japan Bilateral Investment Arrangement (BIA), and a fisheries agreement, as well as customs, e-commerce, patent, and open skies agreements. Of the 58 agreements signed between the Republic of China and Japan over the past 60 years, 43% of them were signed over the past seven years. Japan’s leaders have publicly affirmed the strength and stability of the ROC-Japan relationship. On July 29 of this year, while responding to an interpolation in the House of Councillors, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said that “Taiwan is an important partner of Japan that shares basic values with us,” and that “Taiwan is a friend that Japan should cherish.” In April of 2013 the Republic of China and Japan signed a fisheries agreement, which was a concrete result of the East China Sea Peace Initiative that I proposed in August of 2012. The signing of that agreement resolved a long-standing issue over fishing rights in the waters surrounding the Diaoyutai Islands , which the Japanese call the “Senkaku Islands,” removing an impediment to bilateral relations by bringing a 40-year dispute to a swift close. Fishing vessels from both countries can now operate unimpeded in the 70,000 square kilometers of maritime waters covered by the agreement. This is a typical “provisional arrangement with a practical nature” as stipulated in Article 74 of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS). Japan is also the ROC’s third-largest trade partner, while we are their fourth-largest. The Taiwan-Japan Bilateral Investment Arrangement that was signed in 2011—first time in 60 years—expanded bilateral trade, economic, and investment relations. ROC-Japan negotiations on an agreement to avoid double taxation were also recently completed, creating a more business-friendly environment. People-to-people interaction between Taiwan and Japan has also increased considerably, and to meet the increased demand for flights, an open skies agreement was signed in November of 2011 that lifts the restrictions on routes and number of flights in all airports except those two airports in Tokyo. In 2014, bilateral ROC-Japan tourism reached 4.6 million discrete visits, including 2.97 million ROC nationals who visited Japan and 1.63 million Japanese visitors to Taiwan; both were the highest figures in history. The visitors from Taiwan have become the largest group among all foreign visitors in Japan. Now, let me turn to the question of regional peace and stability in East Asia. III. The East China Sea & South China Sea Peace Initiatives As tension continued to build between Japan and mainland China as Japan nationalized the Diayutai Islands in 2012, in August of that year I proposed the East China Sea Peace Initiative, emphasizing the idea that although sovereignty cannot be compromised, resources can be shared, and calling on all relevant parties to resolve disputes through peaceful means. These same ideas can also be found in the fisheries agreement that the ROC and Japan signed in April of 2013, resolving a 40-year old dispute, and gaining significant fishing rights while ceding absolutely nothing in terms of sovereignty. The key to the critical success is a “without prejudice” clause in Article 4 of that Agreement that keeps intact the territorial claims of the two sides of the dispute. That means the claims are still there, but the dispute is shelved. To extend the successes of the East China Sea Peace Initiative, on May 26 of this year I formally proposed the South China Sea Peace Initiative. I was hoping to alleviate tensions that were building there, and bring disputes in the South China Sea to a peaceful resolution. On June 12 of this year, in my capacity as President of the Republic of China (Taiwan), I published an open editorial in the Wall Street Journal explaining the South China Sea Peace Initiative. These efforts were all designed to establish the Republic of China as a constructive peacemaker, and responsible stakeholder in the international community. In light of the continuing escalation of tensions in the South China Sea over the past few months, I must emphasize once again: The ROC has always sought to handle international affairs in accordance with international law. We are well aware that in order to resolve the current tensions in the South China Sea, all parties involved must resolve to act pragmatically and to pursue peace. On one hand, the ROC government’s basic position regarding the South China Sea will not change. Whether from a historical or geographical standpoint, or from the perspective of international law—the Nansha (Spratly) Islands, Shisha (Paracel) Islands, Chungsha Islands (Macclesfield Bank), and Tungsha (Pratas) Islands, as well as their surrounding waters, are inherently ROC territory and surrounding waters. The ROC’s rights, pursuant to international law, are indisputable. But at the same time, to resolve the existing disputes pragmatically and peacefully, and minimize the possibility of conflict, we also urge the relevant parties to shelve sovereignty disputes and negotiate the sharing of resources according to international law to avoid armed conflict. Therefore, our proposed South China Sea Peace Initiative is a call for all parties concerned to exercise self-restraint and refrain from taking any unilateral action that might escalate tensions; to respect the principles and spirit of relevant international law, including the Charter of the United Nations and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), peacefully settle disputes, and jointly uphold the freedom and safety of navigation and overflight through the South China Sea. We also hope that all parties concerned are included in the mechanisms or measures that enhance peace and prosperity in the South China Sea; shelve sovereignty disputes and establish a regional cooperation mechanism for the zonal development of resources in the South China Sea; and set up coordination and cooperation mechanisms for such nontraditional security issues as environmental protection, scientific research, maritime crime fighting, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. The Republic of China is willing to work with all parties concerned to implement the content and spirit of the South China Sea Peace Initiative in order to resolve disputes and jointly develop resources, thereby making the South China Sea a “Sea of Peace and Cooperation” similar to the East China Sea. IV. Conclusion Now, let’s look at what the future holds. First, we will be stepping up our efforts to strengthen ROC-US and ROC-Japan relations. Over the past seven years, we have done everything in our power to uphold the cross-strait status quo, which means: no unification, no independence, and no use of force, under the framework of the Republic of China Constitution, and promote cross-strait peaceful development based on the 1992 Consensus, whereby each side insists on the "one China" principle, but maintains its own interpretation of what that means. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait have currently signed 21 agreements. Actually, today we are signing the 22nd and 23rd agreements in Fujian, and you could honestly say that over the past 60 years, cross-strait relations have never been better. And stable cross-strait relations help create a good environment for cooperation with the US, Japan, and other countries in the region. Recently, the chairperson of the largest of Taiwan’s opposition parties has stated that if she is elected president, she will “maintain the status quo.” But no one knows whether the “status quo” she’s talking about is the status quo of peace and stability that we have created and experienced for the past seven years. Or is she talking about the status quo that preceded my administration, in which there was no cross-strait foundation of mutual trust, and the “status quo” consisted of Taiwan perceived by the international community as a “troublemaker?” So, I certainly hope the status quo is the former rather than the latter. Second, continuing trade relations are the key—the pillar—of ROC relations with the US and Japan. Participation in the TPP can enhance our competitiveness in the international arena, and increase economic benefits for the ROC, the US, Japan, and the other TPP signatories. As a result, the ROC will thus be able to make an even bigger contribution to regional growth and prosperity. Third, we hope that the relevant regional parties, whether in the East China Sea or the South China Sea, will all exercise self-restraint and refrain from taking any unilateral action that might escalate tensions, and cooperate with each other based on the idea that although sovereignty cannot be compromised, resources can be shared. Finally—and this is most important: The Republic of China is now prepared to take on a more important international role. In the past, we have already cooperated with the US on many non-traditional security issues. There are many examples, including the Pacific Islands Leadership Program, the International Environmental Partnership program, collaborative efforts to combat the Ebola virus and Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), a shipping container security initiative, joint efforts to fight piracy on the high seas, humanitarian aid programs, disaster relief, and energy security measures. We hope to continue to expand our spirit of cooperation, and play a more active role on the global stage. In a speech to the United Nations General Assembly back in 1963, the late US President Lyndon Johnson said, “Peace is a journey of a thousand miles, and it must be taken one step at a time.” As history has shown, the Republic of China government has continuously advanced along the path to peace and prosperity. And I sincerely hope that we can preserve the accomplishments for which we worked so hard, and that the Asia-Pacific Region will continue to enjoy peace and stability. Last but not least, I hope that today’s dialogue will bring about greater mutual understanding and respect, and ultimately benefit all of you, and your country. Thank you very much! |
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